The Onnoghen Case and Other Stories By: Reuben Abati

I find it incredulous that a ruling government that seeks a
second term in office and about which doubts have been expressed
with regard to its performance, the competence of its officials and
the quality of its service delivery would embark on a series of
self-immolating adventures that can only further alienate it from
the people it seeks to serve.

The manner in which the Buhari administration has been
summersaulting in the public domain barely three weeks to Nigeria’s
2019 general election is suicidal. It is a wrong time to launch an
attack on key institutions of state and the psyche of the average
Nigerian.

Except there is something else that the advisers of this
government know that we do not know, what we know is that election
season is the best time, and perhaps the busiest period when
Nigerian politicians try to put their best leg forward. It is that
season when they make an effort to mend fences. But what we have
seen is an incumbent Federal Government that has been going out of
its way to make enemies unnecessarily, violate the integrity of
institutions, court avoidable controversies and give the sad
impression that the 2019 general election can be determined with or
without the people. It is in order, therefore, to consider the
arrogance of the state and the system insufferable. As a strategy,
if that is what it is, this is indeed unbelievable.

Anyone who has been following the news in Nigeria will have no
problem providing useful illustrations in this respect. The latest
is the matter of Walter Onnoghen, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (now
suspended and on trial), over cloudy matters of assets declaration.
There have been many permutations and points of analysis (legal and
moral, speculative and affirmative) over this issue. We need not
rehash the various details other than to remind us that issues have
been raised about the government’s abuse of due process, and
violation of the Constitution and the legal order, all after a
characteristic fashion. There are those who argue that nobody is
above the law, not even the Justice of the Supreme Court, but while
that may be true, it is important also that the government is seen
to be fair and sincere and that its commitment to law and justice
is without blemish. The shoddy handling of CJN Onnoghen’s makes no
impression on legal purists and positivists who aver that the law
cannot be bent to serve the purposes of expediency, otherwise the
law is advertised as an ass and every institution in the
administration of justice system is put to ridicule.

In addition, I think if the objective of those who want Justice
Walter Onnoghen out of the way, and who have offered a lot of
prosecutorial folklore, is to punish him for assumed infractions or
to replace him with a friendlier Chief Justice, they could have
done a much neater job. But they bungled it. They have demonstrated
what seems to be habitual and serial incompetence, so much that the
government now finds itself in a ridiculous situation whereby
lawyers are calling to question the competence of all the reported
52 lawyers in the government. It all looks worse because of the
perception that judges are being hounded and that this particular
government has no regard whatsoever for the doctrine of the
separation of powers. This could have been avoided.

But when a government begins to make mistakes, if it does not
apply the brakes of caution, those mistakes invariably multiply. In
an election season where one man is struggling to be more useful,
more sycophantic than the other, you are bound to have the kind of
confusion at the highest levels that we are currently witnessing.
Confusion No 1: The Buhari government has been branded a
dictatorship, akin to a military dictatorship. It has done nothing
to correct that impression. The same government launched a broad
daylight attack on the National Assembly, the country’s apex
legislative body. Lawmakers were prevented from gaining access to
their offices by security agencies. There is, as a matter of fact,
no love lost between the Executive arm of government and the
legislature. Some government spokespersons have justified that
attack on the grounds of national security and moonlight tales that
even children would consider too fabulous.

Having pushed the National Assembly to a point where it is even
afraid to call an extraordinary session without reading the mood of
the Executive arm carefully, the Federal Government has also since
gone after the judicial arm of government. The reputation of many
judges has been soiled, and even if some judges are not above board
like Caesar’s wife as they should be, even if there is a shorter
supply of that judge in that once famous secondary school text: D.
Olu Olagoke,The Incorruptible Judge,(can you imagine today’s judges
selling eggs and running brothels?), the general trend is that the
Buhari administration has no regard for court orders or the rule of
law. More court orders have been violated in recent years than at
any other time. This makes the comparison with military
dictatorship popular and resonant.

Nonetheless, a compromised judiciary digs its own grave. It
opens itself to abuse by other players within the state. An upright
judiciary stands on a higher pedestal that enables it to discharge
its duties without fear or favour. We can recall with relish the
golden era of the Nigerian Supreme Court: the days of Ayo Irikefe,
Chukwudifu Oputa, Kayode Eso,,, judges who stood up to tyranny and
used the law and the court as a stablizing force and regulator. A
lot has changed since that golden era. In those days, the judiciary
stood firm and many of the judex could be counted upon to defend
the law. Today, judges themselves encourage procedural infractions
and assault on the Constitution.

In the light of Section 158(1), Section 292 and Part 1 of the
Third schedule to the Constitution, for example, does the President
have the powers to suspend the CJN? Should any learned person issue
a black market order to justify a constitutional infraction? Did
the President lie to the nation by saying he acted in line with a
CCT order? Did the order ask the President to suspend the CJN? The
purported order says the CJN should “step aside”. Isn’t there a
difference here? Does the President have the power to trigger a
suspension? And should something as weighty as this be obtained
through an ex parteorder? Is the embattled CJN Onnoghen not
entitled to fair hearing? If so, is this not a clear case of abuse
of court process? The sum trite point is that procedural law is as
important as substantive law.

There are other questions: why didn’t CJN Onnoghen promptly
summon the National Judicial Council (NJC) to a meeting to tackle
the issues? Should he have tarried awhile? And why did the Acting
CJN, Tanko Muhammed agree to aid illegality and Constitutional
infraction by making himself available to be sworn in against all
known norms and procedures; thus making himself a part of the
problem? Shouldn’t he know what is right in the eyes of the law?
Times like this call for courage from the Bar and the Bench.
Cowardly silence or acquiescence after a few days of righteous
noise-making, the type that I think is building up and spreading
right now, could further damage the integrity of these two key
institutions. There is a precedent. When a similar situation arose
in 2007 in Pakistan under General Pervez Musharaff, the Bar and the
Bench boycotted the courts and took to the streets (the Lawyers’
Movement/the Pakistan Long March) until the assault on the office
of the Chief Justice was reversed. Will the Nigerian Bar and the
Bench stand in unison?

The Buhari administration has been serially and severally
accused of nepotism and cronyism. Two key opportunities presented
itself recently to correct this impression. Confusion 2: Even if
there is a seniority rule in terms of succession to the seat of the
Chief Justice, the fact that the immediate beneficiary of the
suspension of CJN Onnoghen is a Northerner merely promotes the
charge of nepotism. Many commenters believe that Onnoghen had to be
suspended or removed as it were, to allow a Northerner preside over
the Supreme Court during an election season.

The acting CJN may be innocent on this score, but the Federal
Government does him much harm. All of a sudden, he has become a
victim of malicious propaganda, obviously orchestrated by
Onnoghen’s sympathizers. About the same period, a Northerner and a
Muslim was also appointed the Inspector General of Police to
succeed another Northerner and a Muslim. Similarly, every other
strategic position in government is occupied by a Northerner. In
the face of all this, the default response of the government is to
argue that previous administrations did the same thing, meaning the
ethnicization of power is normal. So what was all that pre-election
preachment about change all about, if as at 2019, nothing has
changed? This is cynicism carried too far. Apparently, public
opinion means nothing in the view of these new Sheriffs. What
exactly is the wisdom in encouraging North-South polarization
during an election season?

If local public opinion is discounted, international public
opinion is also dismissed as meddlesomeness and unwelcome
interference. Confusion 3: Why is it that nobody can talk to “them”
anymore and a healthy national conversation has become impossible?
Some persons somewhere have forgotten how the international
community, the same United Kingdom, United States and the European
Union, that they now insult, carried the APC change agenda on their
heads in 2014/2015. Our only consolation is that it is most
unlikely that the international agencies in our midst will choose
to be intimidated by the barking dogs and the hawks and the
vultures of Nigerian democracy. It should be clear that Nigeria is
not an island unto itself. It is not the other room. It is part of
the larger room of global humanity. Under the international order,
the country and its leaders are accountable to the people they lead
and the rules of international engagement on the rule of law,
fundamental human rights and good governance. So, there is no point
to this barking match inside Nigeria; the dogs of agony must be put
on a leash.

For the avoidance of doubt, the minimum that every one is asking
for, before the issues disappear into a maze of arguments and
counter-arguments, is that Nigerians and the international
community expect Nigeria to conduct free, fair and credible
elections, and that the authorities will not act in any manner that
will exacerbate tension and throw the country into chaos. Political
gladiators must put Nigeria first and ensure political stability.
The people’s vote must be allowed to count.

The battle for power must not be conducted to the detriment of
institutions. This means that the independence and neutrality of
state institutions must be guaranteed and protected. All the heads
of strategic institutions who because of the allure of the moment,
may have forgotten that tomorrow will come, should learn from the
experience of yesterday’s men and women. There is always a
yesterday and a tomorrow in the natural order of things. There is
also a tendency to reduce everything in Nigeria to a battle of
egos, and that has proven to be counter-productive, because many
egos get deflated, no man kisses the stars forever. Vengeance as
state policy or political strategy is deplorable.

This then, is a country right now, in desperate need of
leadership. That leadership has to be provided by all stakeholders,
not by any cabal, and we will find it, if Nigeria is placed first
and we all look beyond rhetoric and short-term benefits, and those
who matter stop treating this country like a prostitute.