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“TO whom much is given, much is expected” is a universal maxim.
The Bible in the third of the four canonical gospels; Luke 12:48
affirmed it. By Section 130 (1) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, which established the
office of President, the first mandate given to President Muhammadu
Buhari in 2015 expires on 29 May, 2019. Since Section 135 (1);
“Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, a person shall
hold the office of President until – (a) when his successor in
office takes the oath of that office”, forbids a vacuum, President
Buhari having been declared the winner of the 23 February –
presidential poll will on May 29, once again take the oath of
office for the next political dispensation lapsing in 2023.

Amidst his campaign, President Buhari launched the ‘Next level’
with litany of stunning packages, principally, consolidation of his
groundbreaking policies for evaluation. From the policy directions,
‘Change’ is deductively, necessarily a strategic precursor to Next
level. Hence, by the umpire’s verdict, the deal is impliedly
sealed. All things being equal, the people should be reveling
Buhari with accolades at the end of his second term. Therefore, not
only will improvements be perceptively made, they should
manifestly, be felt by the masses. Above all, the nation’s supposed
status as the ‘giant of Africa’ must observably be actualized. And
this time; not just by numerical strength but economic empowerment,
developments and significant attainments. Categorically, Buhari’s
manifesto unambiguously, expansively captioned economy, education,
infrastructure, health and social investment programmes, hence,
their facelifts in terms of service delivery – nonnegotiable.

Essentially, the Executive Order 7 of 2019 recently signed for
unparalleled strides in infrastructural developments should gather
momentum after inauguration. Possibly, the merged ministries
positioned under a minister during the economic recession may have
to be unbundled having prudently exited the economic crisis to
enable more capable hands come on board. This will also reduce
workloads on the minister sensing that the innovative policy will
likely stimulate economic and government activities making it
burdensome for a minister to effectively coordinate multiple
ministries synchronously. By the strategic policy remarkably
unveiled by Buhari’s administration, numerous projects
foreseeingly, will simultaneously be in progress across the nation
unlike the existing ‘slow-motion’ system.

Before I forget, amongst major tasks that demand taking the bull
by the horns is slashing of outrageous allowances in the National
Assembly. It is unreasonable, imprudent and exploitative for a
lawmaker to collect a monthly running cost of N13.5million amidst
agonizing unemployment ratio and hardships in the society.
Sensibly, there’s no basis for a legislator to earn more
remunerations than professors, Permanent secretaries or ministers
let alone the inexplicably additional monthly-running costs. All
the electoral malpractices and violence leading to scores of deaths
of citizens are traceable to excessively attractive financial
benefits attached to political offices. Unconsciously, it has
gotten to the point that not one person enthusiastically wants to
return to primary vocation after partaking in the outrageous
packages.

Again, Section 14(2)(b) supra emphatically provides that
“Security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of
government”. Unfortunately, the masses interests clearly, have
never been a priority in the country. Instead, masses are usually
more or less like abandoned properties but only treasured during
elections by the political class either for lawful franchise or
thuggery. Hence, in orchestrating the ‘Next level’ programmes,
federal government should encouragingly create meaningful pragmatic
schemes for economic empowerment of the masses especially youths
vis-à-vis nation’s revenue generation on booster dose through its
commendably proactive policies. For securitization, in fact, any
poll that must necessarily gather the public at designated
locations without adequate security personnel for safety of the
vulnerable population is not only antediluvian but a threat to
security of lives.

As preventive measures on hostility and violence during general
elections which is on the increase, the government should plan to
migrate to digital voting system in conventionality with other
countries. If not, the ugly situation may worsen in the next
general elections in 2023 due to increased political interests,
conceivably for pecuniary interests. To put it another way, the
population is grossly excessive for manual ballot system in
relation to security and financial implications. For example, INEC
recorded 82,344,107 registered voters for the 2019 presidential
election. Abysmally, only 29,364,209 of the voters representing
35.66% showed up for accreditation.

Imagine what would have been the situation if about 82 million
registered voters had shown up to participate in the election.
Sensibly, the nation cannot effectively manage the scenario
vis-à-vis the available workforces. Thus, the practicable remedy
remains digital electoral system where registered voters can vote
from anywhere without fear of attacks, intimidations or
manipulations. With that in place, the ethnic crisis that has
repeatedly ensued particularly in Lagos between Yorubas and Igbos
will robotically be averted as people can still be resident outside
their home state and effectively participate in their home
elections except desired otherwise.

On socioeconomic goals, Section 16(2)(b) of the Constitution
unequivocally provides “the State shall direct its policy towards
ensuring – that the material resources of the nation are harnessed
and distributed as best as possible to serve the common
good”.  The subsection 2(d) crowns it “that suitable and
adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, reasonable national
minimum living wage, old age care and pensions, and unemployment,
sick benefits and welfare of the disabled are provided for all
citizens”. Regrettably, Fundamental Objectives and Directive
Principles of State Policy in Chapter 2 which extensively contains
striking socioeconomic rights are non-justiciable pursuant to
Section 6(6)(c) supra. Nonetheless, they profoundly and justifiably
remain yardsticks for measuring progress in the court of public
opinion.

Convincingly, if the viable foundations spiritedly laid by
Buhari’s present administration will be tenaciously consolidated to
the latter, without doubt, the masses in no distant time will
eventually feel a sense of belonging in the nation’s abundant
resources.

Umegboro is a public affairs analyst and Associate,
Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (United-Kingdom).
08173184542-SMS-only.

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