Intelligence Report Implicates Kinsmen In Déby’s Assassination

A fresh intelligence report has claimed that the late Chadian
President Idriss Déby Itno was assassinated by his kinsmen in a
revenge attack. In its Sahara Focus, a monthly intelligence, a
political risk consultancy, Menas Associates, said the actual
events surrounding the April 19 death of the Chad’s President
appeared quite different from the official version.

Déby Itno’s sudden death on April 19, 2021 has created a very
dangerous vacuum in Central Africa and the Sahel.

The making of warrior president

Déby began his career in the military in the early 1970s, in the
midst of the first Chadian civil war (1965-1979). He received
military training in France and returned to Chad as a pilot. Under
the presidency of Hissène Habré, Déby worked his way up in the
Chadian army, and together with his brother and cousin, became a
leader in the security apparatus of the state.

In 1989, he and his relatives aroused Habré’s suspicion, forcing
him to flee for his life. Déby fled to the western province of
Sudan, Darfur, where many warriors from his tribe, the Zaghawa,
joined him. Sudan under President Omar al-Bashir gave Déby the
necessary military support to take over from Habré.

Déby managed to hold on to power for 31 years; a year longer
than his Sudanese counterpart, deposed President Omar al-Bashir.
During his presidency, he repeatedly faced armed opposition and in
2006 and 2008 armed groups came close to deposing him. There were
many factors that contributed to his survival. One of them was
undoubtedly the military support Déby received from France and the
financial support from other foreign benefactors. Another was the
way in which Déby managed relations with his tribe and with his
inner circle.

He ensured wealth and a position in power to his close relatives
and, whenever possible, rebel leaders in exchange for their
loyalty. Also, he cultivated an image of himself as a Zaghawa
tribal leader and warrior chief to maintain a semblance of
legitimacy.

In Zaghawa culture, the warrior chief is a position worthy of
respect. During wartime, the quintessential warrior chief attempts
to gain influence through the “patrimonial marketplace” to gain
wealth and power until he has no more need for his gun. Déby did
just that. When the survival of the Chadian regime was in danger in
2006, Déby sought to revitalise his image as a warrior chief. For
example, he adopted an additional name – he took the name Itno, the
name of his grandfather, a well-respected tribal leader.

The name means “warrior,” and served as a public reminder that
his legitimacy to rule derived from his tribal heritage and his
bravery. Furthermore, Déby cultivated this image of bravery by
personally joining his troops in battle. Also in his death, Déby
was an exemplar of a Zaghawa warrior chief.

Was Deby killed by his tribesmen?

The late president was first claimed to have been killed while
fighting rebels trying to overthrow his government.

But, in its April Sahara Focus, a monthly intelligence, Menas
Associates, while quoting sources within Chad’s security services,
claimed that shooting broke out during a meeting attended by the
president and some of his generals shortly after Déby had joined
his forces at their camp near the town of Nokou, a little to the
north-west of Mao.

During the meeting, a row broke out between Déby and some of his
army staff, during which firearms were drawn and shots fired, with
Déby reportedly being hit in the hip.

At least four officers and bodyguards were also alleged to have
died in the incident. Similar sources claimed that Déby’s son,
General Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, ordered the immediate execution
of four Generals.

Although they have not yet been named, one of those either
executed or arrested was Déby’s ADC, Khoudar Mahamat Acyl. The head
of intelligence, General Taher Erda, was not executed but slightly
wounded.

According to the report, “evidence has seeped out to the
intelligence sections of the foreign embassies in N’Djamena from
the medics and official government coroners who were present at the
autopsy.

“This reveals that the bullet that killed Déby was fired either
at very close range with a small calibre pistol or a high calibre
rifle at short range. He was, therefore, not killed by rebel
gunfire, which would have been very distant from Déby’s person.

“Photographic evidence also suggests that he was wounded in the
hip and he, therefore, may have been drawing a sidearm.

“Further evidence that Déby died at the hands of one or more of
his generals comes from Paris Match. It reported that both the
French intelligence authorities and United States (U.S.) AFRICOM,
referred to Déby’s death as being in ‘questionable conditions’ with
Paris Match suggesting that Déby was ‘fatally injured by several
Kalashnikov bullets.”

However, the most authoritative evidence comes from the French
journalist, Patrick Forestier, who has particularly insightful
connections in the region, the report said.

It was he who caught up with and reported on the infamous
terrorist, El Para, in northern Chad in 2004. El Para was
responsible for kidnapping 32 European tourists in the Algerian
Sahara in 2003 and was allegedly on the run from U.S. forces in
northern Chad when Forestier tracked him down.

His final end

According to Forestier, one of the military officials who had
gathered in Déby’s tent was a cousin of his electoral opponent,
Yaya Dillo, whom Déby had tried to arrest but killed in an army
assault on his home in N’Djamena on February 28. During the
assault, Dillo’s mother and son were killed, according to Sahara
Focus of March 2021.

The problem for Déby is that Yaya Dillo was also from his own
Zaghawa tribe, which dominates the senior ranks of the army.
Following the February attack, many people warned that Déby faced
the possibility of revenge attacks by members of the Zaghawa tribe,
who might have had split loyalties over the incident.

One of those seeking revenge was an unnamed cousin of Dillo, who
was also one of Déby’s generals and who was alleged to have been on
the run from Déby’s police. However, according to Forestier, when
Déby saw the General’s tempers flared, Déby immediately addressed
him as ‘Hey rebel’ and asked him what he was doing at the meeting.
The latter accused Déby of being a murderer, which enraged the
president who immediately drew his pistol and shot the general at
point blank range.

Second Lieutenant Umaru Dillo Djérou, a cousin of the shot
general, reportedly then shot Déby and, in the widespread shooting
which ensued, several soldiers were killed or wounded, including
General Taher Erda, who was slightly injured.

Déby’s death was, therefore, one of sweet revenge because it was
predicted that members of his own Zaghawa tribe might exact
revenge.

Forestier claimed that the French military forces in Chad had
provided Déby with direct electronic communications links to the
French military command. Paris was, therefore, immediately informed
of Déby’s death.

It was claimed that General Mahamat Idriss Déby (a.k.a. Kaka) —
who was allegedly on the battlefield at the time — first heard of
his father’s death from the French authorities.

He was in immediate contact with President Emmanuel Macron, who
agreed that Kaka should take over as head of the country, and that
the circumstances of Déby’s death would be kept secret.

A fresh intelligence report has claimed that the late Chadian
President Idriss Déby Itno was assassinated by his kinsmen in a
revenge attack. In its Sahara Focus, a monthly intelligence, a
political risk consultancy, Menas Associates, said the actual
events surrounding the April 19 death of the Chad’s President
appeared quite different from the official version.

Déby Itno’s sudden death on April 19, 2021 has created a very
dangerous vacuum in Central Africa and the Sahel.

The making of warrior president

Déby began his career in the military in the early 1970s, in the
midst of the first Chadian civil war (1965-1979). He received
military training in France and returned to Chad as a pilot. Under
the presidency of Hissène Habré, Déby worked his way up in the
Chadian army, and together with his brother and cousin, became a
leader in the security apparatus of the state.

In 1989, he and his relatives aroused Habré’s suspicion, forcing
him to flee for his life. Déby fled to the western province of
Sudan, Darfur, where many warriors from his tribe, the Zaghawa,
joined him. Sudan under President Omar al-Bashir gave Déby the
necessary military support to take over from Habré.

Déby managed to hold on to power for 31 years; a year longer
than his Sudanese counterpart, deposed President Omar al-Bashir.
During his presidency, he repeatedly faced armed opposition and in
2006 and 2008 armed groups came close to deposing him. There were
many factors that contributed to his survival. One of them was
undoubtedly the military support Déby received from France and the
financial support from other foreign benefactors. Another was the
way in which Déby managed relations with his tribe and with his
inner circle.

He ensured wealth and a position in power to his close relatives
and, whenever possible, rebel leaders in exchange for their
loyalty. Also, he cultivated an image of himself as a Zaghawa
tribal leader and warrior chief to maintain a semblance of
legitimacy.

In Zaghawa culture, the warrior chief is a position worthy of
respect. During wartime, the quintessential warrior chief attempts
to gain influence through the “patrimonial marketplace” to gain
wealth and power until he has no more need for his gun. Déby did
just that. When the survival of the Chadian regime was in danger in
2006, Déby sought to revitalise his image as a warrior chief. For
example, he adopted an additional name – he took the name Itno, the
name of his grandfather, a well-respected tribal leader.

The name means “warrior,” and served as a public reminder that
his legitimacy to rule derived from his tribal heritage and his
bravery. Furthermore, Déby cultivated this image of bravery by
personally joining his troops in battle. Also in his death, Déby
was an exemplar of a Zaghawa warrior chief.

Was Deby killed by his tribesmen?

The late president was first claimed to have been killed while
fighting rebels trying to overthrow his government.

But, in its April Sahara Focus, a monthly intelligence, Menas
Associates, while quoting sources within Chad’s security services,
claimed that shooting broke out during a meeting attended by the
president and some of his generals shortly after Déby had joined
his forces at their camp near the town of Nokou, a little to the
north-west of Mao.

During the meeting, a row broke out between Déby and some of his
army staff, during which firearms were drawn and shots fired, with
Déby reportedly being hit in the hip.

At least four officers and bodyguards were also alleged to have
died in the incident. Similar sources claimed that Déby’s son,
General Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, ordered the immediate execution
of four Generals.

Although they have not yet been named, one of those either
executed or arrested was Déby’s ADC, Khoudar Mahamat Acyl. The head
of intelligence, General Taher Erda, was not executed but slightly
wounded.

According to the report, “evidence has seeped out to the
intelligence sections of the foreign embassies in N’Djamena from
the medics and official government coroners who were present at the
autopsy.

“This reveals that the bullet that killed Déby was fired either
at very close range with a small calibre pistol or a high calibre
rifle at short range. He was, therefore, not killed by rebel
gunfire, which would have been very distant from Déby’s person.

“Photographic evidence also suggests that he was wounded in the
hip and he, therefore, may have been drawing a sidearm.

“Further evidence that Déby died at the hands of one or more of
his generals comes from Paris Match. It reported that both the
French intelligence authorities and United States (U.S.) AFRICOM,
referred to Déby’s death as being in ‘questionable conditions’ with
Paris Match suggesting that Déby was ‘fatally injured by several
Kalashnikov bullets.”

However, the most authoritative evidence comes from the French
journalist, Patrick Forestier, who has particularly insightful
connections in the region, the report said.

It was he who caught up with and reported on the infamous
terrorist, El Para, in northern Chad in 2004. El Para was
responsible for kidnapping 32 European tourists in the Algerian
Sahara in 2003 and was allegedly on the run from U.S. forces in
northern Chad when Forestier tracked him down.

His final end

According to Forestier, one of the military officials who had
gathered in Déby’s tent was a cousin of his electoral opponent,
Yaya Dillo, whom Déby had tried to arrest but killed in an army
assault on his home in N’Djamena on February 28. During the
assault, Dillo’s mother and son were killed, according to Sahara
Focus of March 2021.

The problem for Déby is that Yaya Dillo was also from his own
Zaghawa tribe, which dominates the senior ranks of the army.
Following the February attack, many people warned that Déby faced
the possibility of revenge attacks by members of the Zaghawa tribe,
who might have had split loyalties over the incident.

One of those seeking revenge was an unnamed cousin of Dillo, who
was also one of Déby’s generals and who was alleged to have been on
the run from Déby’s police. However, according to Forestier, when
Déby saw the General’s tempers flared, Déby immediately addressed
him as ‘Hey rebel’ and asked him what he was doing at the meeting.
The latter accused Déby of being a murderer, which enraged the
president who immediately drew his pistol and shot the general at
point blank range.

Second Lieutenant Umaru Dillo Djérou, a cousin of the shot
general, reportedly then shot Déby and, in the widespread shooting
which ensued, several soldiers were killed or wounded, including
General Taher Erda, who was slightly injured.

Déby’s death was, therefore, one of sweet revenge because it was
predicted that members of his own Zaghawa tribe might exact
revenge.

Forestier claimed that the French military forces in Chad had
provided Déby with direct electronic communications links to the
French military command. Paris was, therefore, immediately informed
of Déby’s death.

It was claimed that General Mahamat Idriss Déby (a.k.a. Kaka) —
who was allegedly on the battlefield at the time — first heard of
his father’s death from the French authorities.

He was in immediate contact with President Emmanuel Macron, who
agreed that Kaka should take over as head of the country, and that
the circumstances of Déby’s death would be kept secret.