The Pendulum: Between An Old Buharist And The New Buharideens By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, today’s epistle was inspired last minute by an
encounter I had last night with a Buharideen. I had been
contemplating what to write about this week when I ran into a staff
of Indomie Noodles, the most popular noodle-processing company
possibly in Africa, at a restaurant in Ikeja, Lagos. The gentleman
had walked up to me for a quick chat, which was perfectly in order,
as far as I was concerned.

Indeed, this is a regular occurrence most places I go. It is
always likely that I run into those who usually walk up to me to
request selfies or general discussion. And so, this young man
announced himself as my fan. He did not stop there, he said he
follows me on Twitter and enjoys my tweets but added
matter-of-factly, so to say, that he does not always agree with me.
I responded that I was grateful for his appreciation of me and his
following, but I added that two people can never agree on
everything, all the time.

Out of curiosity, I asked what his points of disagreements were.
Before, he could answer, I already smelt a rat and so volunteered a
guess. “Is it anything to do with Buhari?” I asked calmly. He
replied in the affirmative, “yes it is…” Here we go again, I
soliloquised. These days, I hate going into unnecessary and
unproductive conversations with those who have been given the
nomenclature “Buharideens” on social media. A Buharist is a mild
and reasonable supporter of President Muhammadu Buhari. I belonged
in that category between 2014-15. Not anymore. I like the President
as a person, but his politics and economics leave much to be
desired. I can write a PhD thesis on this subject. Back to
definitions. On the other hand, a Buharideen is a blind and rabid
supporter of Buhari. He does not, and will never see, anything
wrong in Buhari, even if you supply all the evidence in the world.
It is always a waste of time to engage such political
fundamentalists in argument or dialogue. In the course of this
election process, I expect that Atiku will probably also sprout
such rabid followership. Such is the fervent, unfortunate passion
that elections can engender in this country.

‘Why do you disagree with my position on Buhari?” I probed.
“Buhari is still the best Nigeria can offer in the present
circumstance…” Hmmm, I sighed. “What are your reasons for saying
so?” I had pricked him at that moment and he wasted no time in
launching a diatribe of sorts. “Only thieves and looters won’t
appreciate this government. Things have improved even if not
perfect under Buhari.” I laughed raucously. I was used to those
lines whenever I encounter the Buharideens. Everyone is a thief and
looter, or friends of corrupt people, except members of their
group. Not to worry.

I decided to take him on, even if I didn’t have the luxury of
time at hand. “Do you know your party APC and your Presidential
candidate would find it hard to campaign with his strongest weapon,
anti-corruption, when tomorrow comes, because APC is heavily
populated by the same so-called looters who migrated from PDP. I
have not read it anywhere that they were screened out or rejected
by your party, rather they have been promptly and amply protected
by your party…” He nodded in agreement, but still argued that APC
was a much better party despite the obvious hiccups and conflicts
of interests.

It won’t be hyperbolic to describe APC as being seriously
hypocritical, I told my new friend. I reeled out names of the
certified and certificated kingpins of corruption in Nigeria who
have ensconced and embedded within the APC without as much as a
whimper from the leadership of the party. My friend kept mute, as
if thinking hard on how to tackle me. But I kept punching him with
facts and my wide knowledge of Nigerian politics.

He tried to wriggle out by going totally banal. “We should just
let Buhari complete his second term so that power can return to the
South West after that.” Almost spontaneously, I exploded: “who told
you power would shift to the South West in 2023?” My friend said
“it will, if we support Buhari now…” but I disagreed most
vehemently and tried to educate him a bit.

“If you are talking of zoning, then you are wrong to assume that
it is a binding agreement. When Buhari contested in 2003, who was
in power? Obasanjo, a Yoruba man. When Buhari contested in 2007,
who was in power? Yar’Adua, his kinsman from Katsina State. When
Buhari contested in 2011, who was in power? Jonathan, from the oil
rich Bayelsa State in the South South, and he was merely completing
the term given to him divinely after his boss died in power. When
Buhari contested in 2015, who was in power? Jonathan, who was
serving his own first term as President and was seeking a second
term, the first time a President from the region that lays the
golden eggs was in that position. Did anyone, including Buhari,
give any consideration to those facts? Did Buhari not contest
against Obasanjo? Why did he not say that it was the turn of the
South West and so he would abstain and wait for the time when it
was the North’s turn. This is the charade and chicanery on display
by the promoters of zoning, which does not even exist in our
Constitution.” I concluded.

My friend said no one can stop power coming back to the South. I
asked if the South West was the only zone in the South and why he
feels the South East or South South cannot have it. “Are the Igbos
not Nigerians or why do you think they can’t contest and win the
Presidency?” I wondered. My friend said the Igbos have not aligned
with a realistic power base which is currently controlled by
Buhari. So, I noticed and noted that the strategy of APC in the
South West is to brainwash the people of the region into deluding
themselves that power is coming back to them very soon as
compensation for supporting Buhari. This is so naïve and
simplistic. I warned my friend that as we speak, those who are
already warming up for the 2023 Presidential election are not
limited, or restricted, to any particular zone.

The nonsensical impression that this jejune assumption creates
is that some people hold the levers of power as personal property
which can be dashed out to anyone, or a group of people, at will,
but this is a total fallacy. From the issue of zoning, my friend
introduced another reason Buhari must continue as President. He
claimed that this is because there is no viable alternative to
him.

I queried what the man was saying. How can anyone say there is
no alternative in a country of nearly 200 million people? I told
him that was virtually untrue. It would be pathetic of us as a
nation if we believe such foolishness. Exceptional talents abound,
in their multitude, that can take us to the promised land. He asked
if I can support an Atiku as President of Nigeria and I answered,
“why not?’. I felt his next line even before he regurgitated it.
“But Atiku is a very corrupt man…” He started the usual
vituperations against a man no one has ever tried in a court of Law
since leaving office in 2007. No one has even invited Atiku to
explain his source of wealth. I told my friend to perish the idea
of thinking I, or indeed, any rational man, would ever join his ilk
in maligning a soul just for the fun of it. When did allegation
become conviction? I informed him clearly that if that is the only
way APC hopes to tackle Atiku, it won’t hold much water.

He also exhibited a dangerous mind-set which is presently the
fall-back position when Buharideens are cornered. “Where did Atiku
get his wealth from?”. He felt he had delivered to me what he must
have thought was a sucker punch, but I responded in kind. “Why is
it that your members rejoice and gloat about poverty instead of
celebrating achievement. If most of our leaders did what Atiku has
done in retirement, our country won’t be in this mess. At least
Atiku has invested heavily in Nigeria and profited in the process.
He should be commended instead of being criminalised without proof.
Not everyone possesses this type of business acumen” I added.

He could see he wouldn’t be able to browbeat me about the usual
jargons of portraying APC as a party of angels, so he announced he
had to go. He appeared sober and subdued. Before he left, I fired
another shot. “How about your primaries? I’m reading all sorts?
Would you say elections were held in many places? Where they held,
would you say they were democratic? And what about the sordid
allegations of bribery and corruption levelled by aggrieved
members, including our adorable First Lady?” These were more of
rhetorical questions and I did not expect him to have immediate
answers. It was obvious he was not proud of the lack of internal
democracy and lurid accusations of corruption that has blighted the
conduct of the party primaries and almost set his party ablaze. He
quickly thanked me and disappeared into the night.

At least he could not abuse me frontally like most Buharideens
do whenever you confront them with hard facts. For me democracy is
always a game of continuous experiment. Every four years, a
President must undergo a serious examination about his performance
so far, as well as subject his physical and mental state to public
scrutiny. Nothing suggests that he must be promoted automatically
to a second term in office if majority of the people do not think
he has performed creditably. I’m of the firm opinion that whoever I
support this time would be dropped if he still does not meet
expectations. Being a Buharist does not mean I will become a
Buharideen.

There is no doubt that APC is seriously struggling to convince
Nigerians that it deserves a second chance. While I won’t join
those who claim APC has failed totally, I will support those who
feel it has not lived up to its grandstanding pre-2015 election. I
say this because we had great expectations. Notwithstanding the rot
that had set into our political, social and economic psyche
Nigerians believed that true change was desirable and possible. We
voted for APC and Buhari on this basis. That change has only
happened in very few cases and objective members of APC agree they
have fumbled disappointingly. Most of the areas that we wanted
positive change in have turned out to be an embarrassing
anti-climax for this government. I will applaud the President for
some of the achievements of this government, but that is only
because he is the titular head of government.

Others, particularly the Vice-President and his economic team
are to be commended for the fitful and irregular economic progress
we are witnessing. The President himself has not personally shone
brightly and is apparently surviving on a reputation that is at
best jaded. The attitude of government to the rash of violence in
the country is less than salutary. We were applauded for attacking
President Jonathan over the shortcomings of his government but the
Buharideens want Buhari to be treated like fresh eggs, or not to be
touched at all.

Things must really change urgently and drastically in
practically all facets for this government to have any realistic
chance of winning the elections. It may not be too late. But the
current trend and discourse is not going to help it. I believe
people are tired of the same worn platitudes. There are many like
me who feel our democratic rights to choose our preferred
candidates are sacrosanct and must be respected. I will never abuse
or stop anyone from campaigning or voting for Buhari and I don’t
expect anyone to abuse me for my personal choice, like the
Buharideens love to do.

I expect the battle of wits to start from next week. The first
offensive is likely to be launched by former President Goodluck
Jonathan when the book on his political life and stewardship is
launched at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, on November 20,
2018. It promises to be a blockbuster event. The Buhari government
has blamed the Jonathan government endlessly for its inability to
perform as expected. Former President Jonathan and his supporters
would have the first major opportunity to launch a blistering
attack on a government that rode to power on the crest of
possessing the magic wand to cure the alleged cesspit of corruption
and inefficiency they left behind. It is probably a time for
Jonathan to compare and contrast. We may yet learn that it is not
yet Uhuru, and the past three and a half years have been no more
than running on the spot, if even that!

The only ace that the populace have is their democratic right to
keep changing governments until we get it right. If we fail to make
the right choice several times, that only improves our learning
curve. Eventually, one day, our democratic education and
experimentation will be complete, and we will throw up competent
and capable candidates from whom we can make proper and informed
choices. For now, the alternatives are stark. We can only make do
with what we have and won’t keep a failed government just because
we are afraid of the next. Who knows, where our salvation lies? God
works, mysteriously.
There are interesting days and times ahead…

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