Why Maasai hunt lions
Maasai hunt lions for multiple overlapping reasons,
some related to direct predation on livestock and some not. We
discuss these reasons by study site.
Kenya
In Kenya the most common response (76%) for why a lion
was hunted was related to achieving and reinforcing the role of
ilmurran in society. Specific responses
included a way for young men to obtain prestige (29%), a test of
one’s bravery (22%), the wish to obtain the prestigious ‘lion name’
(18%) and winning the attention of girls (7%). These explanations
overlapped, with several informants mentioning more than one. Lion
hunts were discussed simultaneously as an ‘interview’ or ‘exam’ of
ilmurran skills, and as bringing status to
the entire age-set. Other people mentioned the hunt as the
opportunity to practice ‘warriorhood’ in general and to maintain
Maasai culture (10%), for fun and enjoyment (4%) and to practice
spearing skills (2%).
The overlap of these reasons and the value of
olamayio in meeting expectations for
ilmurran is illustrated in the following
quote from an elder in Kenya:
[Olamayio is important]
because the olmurrani who owns the lion
will celebrate and will be liked by isiankikin [young girlfriends, wives] and will get a
new name. So he looks like he is the one who killed the lion alone
when in fact there were so many other ilmurran who helped in killing it. When thirty
ilmurran go on olamayio the one who first touches the lion with his
spear, he is the owner of the lion. Even if the lion is going to
injure you, you don’t mind! This is why we go for the ‘interview’:
to show who is the bravest, or the strongest or the fastest
olmurrani and who isn’t. So this one sets
the expectations for the whole age-set (Kisongo junior elder,
Imbirikani group ranch, 2002).
Only 14% of Kenyan informants mentioned
livestock predation as a reason for killing lions, whereas 18%
mentioned killing lions as a way to prevent them from preying on
livestock. This includes responses explaining the purpose of
olamayio as: to keep aggressive wild
animals away from people and cows; to ‘save cows,’ and to keep
lions from becoming habituated to killing domestic animals. A
Kenyan Kisongo senior elder (Olgulului-Lolarrash group ranch, 2003)
explained that, in the event of a lion killing one of his cows
‘[he] would gather the ilmurran, follow the
lion and make sure we kill it so it never comes back. Now that
killing wild animals is forbidden,’ however, ‘that lion will just
go and may be the next day it will eat another cow.’
In the Amboseli area Maasai perceive tensions between
people and wildlife as having increased as a result of the
prohibition to kill wildlife and the creation of ‘places only for
wildlife’ (i.e. protected areas), which is best expressed in the
following two quotes:
Ilmurran used to chase
[wildlife] and killed the ones causing problems, so these animals
feared people. Now, even ilmurran have
decided not to chase and not to kill them. So animals have become
more aggressive.’ (Kisongo senior elder, Olgulului-Lolarrash group
ranch, 2003).
Because they are not being killed any more the problem
[of wildlife attacking people] has increased: we are not used to
each other any more. So, the moment we meet, we are enemies. Even
before, the lion didn’t eat people that much […]. It was believed
that if you were eaten by a lion for nothing it meant that you were
cursed (Kisongo elder woman, Imbirikani group ranch, 2002).
Many informants argued that it was ‘the
work of the ilmurran’ to keep wild animals
fearful of and away from people and livestock. This illustrates the
overlapping reasons Maasai hunt lions: as the work of the
ilmurran, to keep up expectations that they
are capable of this and other responsibilities, and to maintain a
safe environment for people and livestock. Yet at the same time,
elders and women often try to dissuade ilmurran from going on olamayio (it can result in human injury or death), or
from killing too many lions or other wild animals during a hunt,
which is considered a sin. Going on olamayio in Kenya may now lead to the arrest of those
who participate. According to one elder, olamayio is now happening less frequently, and ‘only
if a cow was injured or killed by wildlife. … Before, they would
just go even if a cow was not eaten. Now they fear that they may be
arrested by the government’ (Kisongo senior
elder, Imbirikani group ranch, 2002). Yet another Kisongo junior
elder (Imbirikani group ranch, 2002) suggested that hunting
continues secretly, ‘yes [olamayio is
occurring] less and very secretly because the government is against
killing wildlife.’ In addition to being illegal, for some
ilmurran lion hunting does not fit with
their changing lifestyles. As one Kenyan Kisongo woman remarked
(Imbirikani group ranch, 2002), ‘yes, [olamayio is happening but] less because many
ilmurran have now gone to school and some
to church and they are busy.’
With olamayio illegal in
Kenya, people have begun to use poison to kill lions following
predation on livestock. This occurs in secret and is not
celebrated, being considered cowardly and shameful. Restrictions on
practising olamayio were seen as directly
linked to the power of the conservation sector and the government
(often conflating the two). As a Kisongo junior elder from
Olgulului-Lolarrash group ranch (2003) explained, olamayio is still happening but ‘very little,’
because, ‘no elder will allow the ilmurran
to come and celebrate at his boma and enjoy olamayio, because of KWS [Kenyan Wildlife Service]
rules.’ Additional restrictions on olamayio
in Imbirikani group ranch were enforced through the local predator
compensation programme, which makes compensation to individual
herders who lost cattle to predators conditional on the absence of
any lion hunting in a certain area for a certain period (Maclennan
et al., 2009). This programme potentially influenced
‘lion hunt politics’ in the area as well. In one revealing episode,
JRP came across an olamayio of 11
ilmurran, returning from an unsuccessful
hunt, which was carried out on the day of the launching of the
compensation programme. The participants justified that hunt as the
expression of their disagreement with the compensation flat rate.
Conservation workers also reported a series of hunts (of lion and
other wildlife) in a neighbouring group ranch, rumoured to be
orchestrated as an attempt to demand a compensation programme (S.
Maclennan, Kilimanjaro Lion Conservation Project, pers. comm., 5
February 2005). These instances suggest that uneasy relationships
with conservation goals and initiatives and power struggles over
the management and profits related to wildlife can lead to a
different reason for killing lions: as a political statement. Such
protests are not new for Maasai in Kenya. In 2003 Kaputei Maasai
living adjacent to Nairobi National Park killed lions in protest
when their requests for support and dialogue with KWS were not met.
According to local Maasai, lions were preying on sick and
recovering cattle after a severe drought. They had asked KWS to
intervene, and received no response. One of the Maasai leaders of
the group that led the protest explained, ‘We were killing lions
because of the cruelty of the government. Not because the lions
erred but because the government refused to help’ (interview,
2008).
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Tanzania
In Tanzania the most frequent explanation for why
lions were hunted was livestock depredation, mentioned by 95% of
informants. As one Tanzanian olmurrani
explained: ‘We call olkiyioi (alarm cry)
after the lion attacks livestock and then we go on olamayio’ (interview, 2008). However, ilmurran do not always wait until a lion attacks
livestock but often kill lions perceived as preparing to attack,
and to ensure that lions stay away from people and livestock. Such
hunts were mentioned by 27% of Tanzanian informants and include
those who referred to killing lions in the wet season, when
carnivores follow migratory wild herbivores into village lands
(Kissui, 2008) and are seen as a threat. Ilmurran are on the lookout during this time and if
they hear a lion in the area for a few days, will hunt it. Some
researchers have suggested that the rise of lion hunting in the wet
season is because ilmurran are idle at this
time, with nothing better to do (see Frank et al., 2006 for Kenya). Yet in the wet season lions
follow wildebeest and zebra that come near Maasai settlements (for
protection against lions, according to Maasai) a behaviour also
described by Reid et al. (2003) and Goldman (2006).
The protective nature of hunting lions at this time
was explained by an Esilalei olmurrani
(2008):
Soon after we see the lion near our homes we maybe
hear it in the night. Tomorrow morning we start following it. [So
it does not always attack livestock first?] We can follow him
before he attacks the livestock. We have to protect our cows before
[the lion] attacks.
Explaining why lions were hunted after
predation on livestock a senior elder from Esilalei explained
(2008):
We know the character of lions. If a lion eats cattle,
it will keep eating cattle until you kill it. It will run to eat
cattle until you kill it or you move. But the ilmurran say, ‘don’t move, let’s go and kill that
lion.’
A senior elder from Oltukai explained
that when he was an olmurrani, he ‘killed a
lion so it would no longer kill cattle.’ When asked if ilmurran could be prevented from killing lions today
if monetary compensation for the lost cattle was provided he
emphasized the need to kill the responsible lion (2008):
We cannot agree [to compensation] because we do not
have cattle to be killed every day! We must go and kill that lion
because our payment is to kill that lion today. If they pay money
today, then tomorrow, they will pay every day because the lion will
keep coming back to eat cattle until all the cattle are gone. And
then what will we do with the money?
The same elder further illustrated why
financial compensation did not make sense, did not stop lions from
killing cattle and would not stop ilmurran
from killing lions. His response suggests the emotional dimension
of hunting a lion that has killed one’s cow (2008):
My son’s boma had two cattle killed and one olmurrani hurt [by a lion]. I cried, so the lion must
cry. [Let’s say] another lion then comes to the settlement another
day. The government says ‘don’t go [kill the lion] and we will pay
[compensation]’. But we cannot do it. We cannot stop the ilmurran because we already lost our cattle and this
loss hurts deep in our soul [roho].
A junior elder and member of the village
government in Oltukai revealed that an American tour operator
approached the village about starting a compensation project to pay
families that lost cattle to lions in exchange for allowing the
lion to live. ‘But the people refused,’ explained the elder. ‘They
complained that the lions would learn that it is all right to eat
cattle. And so for now, you will pay, but what happens when you and
your organization leave? Who will pay then? And the lions will have
learned already to eat cattle. No. We refused’ (2008).
These statements suggest the limitations of monetary
compensation programmes designed to prevent ‘retaliatory’ hunts.
Our informants suggest that post-predation hunts also address the
emotional loss felt by herders, while eliminating an individual
lion and preventing it from killing cattle again.
Lion hunting seems to have lost some of its prestige
and reward in winning girlfriends for ilmurran in this area, with only 16% of informants
naming pride/prestige as a reason for killing lions. This sentiment
was expressed in a group interview (six ilmurran, 2008), at which one man stated (and others
agreed) that, ‘today, for an olmurrani,
having money and cattle is more important for obtaining status than
having killed a lion.’ However, several individuals spoke about the
continued importance of olamayio for
‘warriorhood’ (13%), with 4% naming the start of a new age-set of
ilmurran as a reason for lion hunts and 9%
stating that lion hunting was part of ‘the work of the ilmurran.’ When a new age-set is initiated the older
ilmurran teach the young ones how to hunt,
leading to an increase in lion hunting that continues for a few
years after the older ilmurran graduate,
leaving the younger, new ilmurran on their
own (as was the case at the time of this research). At this time
the new ilmurran feel they need to prove
themselves as proper warriors, capable of protecting the
community’s cattle. As one Tanzanian olmurrani remarked (2008), ‘We just do it [hunt
lions] because we were given responsibility of the cattle.’
Today, because of changes occurring within Maasai
society and the tolerance of killing lions after predation in
Tanzania, olamayio is said to occur
primarily after predation on livestock. However, this does not
diminish the importance of olamayio as a
socio-cultural practice. When we asked if olamayio was still important today, 96% of informants
said yes. When olamayio occurs after a
predation incident the celebration occurs as usual. Forbidding this
to occur can have negative repercussions, as discussed below.
FAAC
FG Sets up Financial Transparency Committee,
Wistsleblower
In line with the Transparency and Open Government Policy for
making public, financial information of all MDAs to promote
accountability and anti-corruption campaign, the Office of the
Accountant-General of the Federation has inaugurated the Committee
on Federal Government Financial Transparency Guidelines and Open
Treasury Portal.
The Accountant-General of the Federation, Ahmed Idris FCNA
stated this at the inauguration of the Committee on Thursday at the
Treasury House.
AGF posited that the Honourable Minister of Finance and National
Planning (HMFBNP) on the 4th of July, 2018 presented a memo to the
Federal Executive Council (FEC) for approval to establish the
Financial Transparency Guidelines and Open Treasury Portal.
“The approved Transparency Policy provides for Transparency
requirements, thresholds and responsibilities as part of Government
Policy on accountability in line with Freedom of Information Act
2014.
The HMFBNP, then constituted the composition of the Quality
Assurance and Compliance Committee which membership were drawn from
MDAs”, Ahmed said.
According to Ahmed, the objectives of the Committee includes
improvement on good governance and enhance the public whistle
blower policy and equip the general public with the tools to report
financial wrongdoing as well as provide the guidelines for MDAs for
proper financial transparency.
He stated the Terms of Reference which are; to advise the HMFBNP
on the enforcement action including sanctions where appropriate to
ensure full compliance with the Transparency requirements, to
advise the HMFBNP on the improvement necessary in the
implementation modalities, review transparency reports from
different stakeholders and recommend appropriate actions and to
prepare summary brief for the HMFBNP regarding compliance with the
implementation requirements.
According to the AGF the Expected Operational Modalities shall
be; The Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation will
provide secretariat services for the Committee, the Committee shall
be free to request for information or clarifications from anyone
involved in the implementation of the Transparency Policy and the
Committee shall be free to seek and obtain service of independent
experts to support their work if required.
In conclusion, the AGF said that the Committee will be required
to report to him on monthly basis and also the Honourable Minister
of Finance and National Planning through his Office.
In his remarks, the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Idris Mamman
said that it is an opportunity to compliment the efforts of the
Federal Government, hence members will demonstrate patriotism by
serving well and rendering selfless service for the good of the
nation and well-meaning Nigerians.
He said that the Committee will perform their duty with
diligence and without fear or favour and also demonstrate to the
MDAs officials and the public that the initiative is for the good
of all aimed at bringing government closer to the governed for
mutual benefit.
Okoro Esther A.O.
Info Officer I (Info, Press & PRU)
For Director Info, Press & PRU